HELP 4 EVERY PARENT

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On this page there are the following articles about Indigenous news and issues:

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Providing for Indigenous children

The safety, health and education of children everywhere is of prime importance. Government is a key player to achieve this. In Australia there has been much concern over these matters for Indigenous children. A review has just begun of the government intervention action taken to stop child abuse and to bridge the gap in health and education in outback communities.

So far 11,000 children have received health checks, and some hundreds of these have received follow up treatment. The intervention was controversial as it occurred without consultation of the Elders from the communities and was carried out by the army and police. Now, some people say that conditions have improved with less alcohol being consumed and fewer assaults taking place. Others say that the measures have had unfortunate results, especially as all communities have been treated the same. Indigenous people feel they have been demonised and have lost all control of their lives. Many feel that children are no safer than before. Income quarantining has had some benefits but some disadvantages, with unfortunate economic effects on small business owners.  

During June there were both radio and TV programs about education in remote areas of Australia. Any child living in the outback, faces big challenges in gaining an education equal to that available in towns and cities. Hundreds of outback children receive their schooling via satellite, supervised by parents, usually the mother. This type of education seems to be very rare for the Indigenous population. Instead, there are small primary schools in remote communities. Attendance is often poor. When children finish primary school, non Indigenous children are sent away to boarding schools, but most Indigenous children drop out of the education system. Concerned at the low level of literacy and numeracy, the Government is now funding boarding schools, in key locations to cater for Indigenous children. Will the outcomes be good?

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Mr Kevin Rudd, Prime Minister of Australia on Wednesday 13th February 2008,

 moved that:

'Today we honour the Indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history.

We reflect on their past mistreatment

We reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were Stolen Generations-this blemished chapter in our nation’s history.

The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia’s history by righting the wrongs of the past and moving forward with confidence to the future.

We apologise for the laws and policies of successive Parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians.

We apologise especially for the removal of aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country.

For the pain, suffering and hurt of these Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry.

To the mothers and the fathers, the brothers and sisters, for the breaking up of families and communities, we say sorry.

And for the indignity and degredation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture, we say sorry.

We the Parliament of Australia respectfully request that this apology be received in the spirit in which it is offered as part of the healing of the nation.'

The motion was carried unanimously.

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Sorry - February 13th 2008

Bob Brown, Green’s Senator, said he looks back in horror at the fact that thousands of little girls and boys, many only babies, were taken from their mothers and fathers by strangers in the name of the Australian governments, ‘because they were Aboriginal; because they were black, and therefore not understood or valued by the perpetrators.’ He continues that ‘It does not matter what the reason was, personal or official. Governments not only allowed but directed this racist separation of the innocent Indigenous infants from their powerless, numberless parents in unaccountable fear and agony – an agony that would not, for all of life, let go its grip.’

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Message from the Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action

December 2007-12-04

FAIRA is writing to you about self-determination for Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders.

We were very excited when the United Nations voted overwhelmingly to adopt the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Now the Rudd Government is committed to signing on to this Declaration. But what happens after that?

The answer lies in us taking control of our lives and futures, through the pursuit of greater autonomy and decision-making powers. The incoming government is deciding what to do about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. The government will be inundated by thousands of experts, leaders, interest groups, opponents. If there is not a clear message the government will inevitably make its own decisions.
FAIRA proposes these four basic elements as the foundation for self-determination in Australia:

(1) OUR RIGHTS ARE GUARANTEED We must have a change to the Constitution or a treaty to entrench our rights as first peoples. Only this way can we get a proper partnership.

(2) WE HAVE A STRONG VOICE We need an improved and accountable representative structure at the national level. Let us build on the experiences of DAA, NACC, NAC, ADC and ATSIC, by keeping the good parts and changing the bad parts. We do not need another experiment.

(3) THE GOVERNMENT IS COMMITTED TO A FUTURE PLAN The government must have a future plan, developed in partnership with our community, which sets out national targets, benchmarks and accountability mechanisms.

 (4) WE ENJOY ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE AND SECURITY 'Indigenous
 Economic Development' is about generating an sustainable future for our communities, our culture and families. We have the right to utilise our lands and our resources for our benefit. We also have the right to restitution for dispossession, and to share as equals in the many benefits for Australians.

 FAIRA thanks you for taking the time to read this message. We hope that you can agree and are willing to sign on to our campaign for unity and self-determination. We will be sending out more information about lobbying for positive and meaningful changes.

Please circulate this message to others and remember, in any communications to government, that we demand these prerequisites for self-determination.

 Les Malezer, Chairperson
 Foundation for Aboriginal and Islander Research Action Post Office Box
 8402 WOOLLOONGABBA Q 4102
37 Balaclava Street
WOOLLOONGABBA
 letterbox@faira.org.a

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Changing the constitution

On 12th October the Prime Minister, John Howard has announced that if his government is re-elected, there will be a referendum to change the constitution to recognise Indigenous people. This is his way forward towards reconciliation. He still says that saying sorry for past wrongs is not appropriate. People are most surprised at the P.M's announcement as he has been most negative in all attempts at reconciliation during his ten years in office. However, it is seen by most as a beginning. Some say that saying sorry must be the first step but others say any step is welcome but once again it must be done through consultation with Indigenous groups.

Indigenous literacy day -September 2007

The first week of September is Literacy and Numeracy Week in Australia. During this week Wednesday 5th September, will be Indigenous Literacy Day.  Why is there a special day for Indigenous literacy?  Many remote Indigenous communities have almost no books at all and many people there cannot read. This means they cannot read instructions on medicine; they can’t read newspapers or magazines or recipes or safety information or even the TV guide. They are also missing out on a whole area of enjoyment. Every person has the right to learn to read. Can you imagine a world without books?

This special day grew from the Australian Reader’ Challenge in 2006 in which participants had to read at least 10 books. 14,000 people took part and raised $80,000. Tara June Winch, an Indigenous author who wrote 'Swallow the Air', said this project ‘helped make a path to the merging of two worlds, two languages, two people’.

‘The readers’ challenge is not only an act of charity; it is an act of reconciliation. It is a healing path, which you all have paved’.

‘If you’re going to be a writer you have to come from some place” and “If you’re going to be a writer you have to be a reader first’. You can read more of what Tara said at www.worldwithoutbooks.org/ARCReport.htm

The money raised will go to the Fred Hollows Foundation to buy books and other literacy resources for Indigenous communities. This year it is hoped that $100,000 will be raised. Learning to read helps to give people a voice and our Indigenous people need much more voice. It is not only remote communities that lack books and reading skills. All over Australia Indigenous people need to start reading or keep reading. We need more of their people to write to express their ideas, to spread an understanding of their culture, to make them a proud people who fully participate in all levels of Australian life.

Even if you don’t read this before 5th September, you will not be too late to participate. You can buy a book, organise an event at a school, a pre-school, a library, or send a donation to the Fred Hollows Foundation. Here is the address

The Indigenous Literacy Project
c/o Karen Williams
Level 1, 300 Bronte Rd
Waverley, NSW 2024.

All donations over $5 are tax deductible. If you send a stamped addressed envelope, you will receive a receipt.

Where I live, several authors and storytellers, including Indigenous storytellers, are visiting schools, and there will be a fun event at the library in the late afternoon. It should be fun for all.

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Thursday, 23 August 2007
A new black leadership group says a decade under Howard has been a living nightmare


By Chris Graham

A new coalition of Aboriginal leaders from around the nation has released its first public statement since forming a fortnight ago.

Describing the past decade under the Howard government as “a nightmare” for Aboriginal people, the group attacks both the Liberal and Labor parties for creating policies which “blame the victims”.

The group includes former senior public servant Pat Turner, Olga Havnen (ACOSS and ANTaR), Naomi Mayers (CEO, Redfern Aboriginal Medical Service), Dennis Eggington (WA Aboriginal Legal Service), Sam Watson (Murri academic and activist), Bob Weatherall (FAIRA), Michael Mansell (Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre), Michael Williams , Gracelyn Smallwood (North Queensland), Nicole Watson and Larissa Behrendt (both Jumbunna Indigenous House of Learning, University Technology Sydney) and Bradley Foster (community leader from North Queensland).

It formed a fortnight ago in response to the federal government's 'emergency intervention' into Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory.

“A decade under John Howard has seen native title made harder to get with his 'bucket loads of extinguishment' legislation,” the statement reads.

“The elected body ATSIC was sacked; the Reconciliation Council dumped; paternalistic funding conditions imposed, such as being asked to wash hands and attend school to get Commonwealth monies.

“The Northern Territory Land Rights Act has been amended to increase access for mining and now vulnerable Aboriginal communities in the NT are invaded by troops.

“It has been a nightmare decade for Aboriginal people.“We have been reduced to beggars in our own country.”

The group accused the Howard government of selective listening when it came to hearing Indigenous people.

“Any dissenting voice is ignored by a Government that selects "yes" people to promote its own agenda, and the select few are tragically held out as the voice of Aborigines,” the statement read.

The group accused both the Coalition and the ALP of 'blaming the victims' and launched a scathing attack on the NT intervention plans, which are endorsed by both major parties.

“The Howard and Rudd response to policies that have kept families and whole communities destitute is to blame the victim.

“Those victims, long denied a real chance to make a go of it, will now have their income stolen and must go to the local store with food vouchers: those vouchers will have a list of purchasable items on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.

“The balance of family incomes will never be seen by the "beneficiaries" because the bureaucracy keeps it to pay "other" costs.

“This demeaning approach will create greater dependency and strip the last form of human dignity from those subjected to a destructive policy.

“The increased police presence in community areas with "dob-in desks" is designed to humiliate, not rehabilitate. Portraying all Aborigines as paedophiles and drunks, and taking land away, undermines the remaining virtue we have: our dignity.

The group says the new coalition will seek to “represent the unrepresented Aboriginal communities” from around the nation and it promises to never align with any political party.

“We believe we bring experience and sincerity to the national political landscape.
In our quest, we will not favour any political party as we see Aboriginal issues as being above party politics. Our single aim is to improve the lot of our people. We see our culture and people as an asset, not a liability.

“If we cannot persuade governments, then we will take our case to the court of public opinion - to the Australian people, to give us a chance to create a better future.”

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June 2007

Posted:25-06-2007

Violence in remote communities

JUDY ATKINSON has been writing about violence in remote communities for two decades. Here she responds to measures announced by the prime minister last week

I WOKE up this morning with a sense of doom. What was wrong? Yes. I remember! The prime minister has announced that he is “sending in the troops.” He has declared, in effect, a National Emergency.

Is it a National Emergency? Yes, to some degree it is. It has been, for twenty years. More importantly, it is a National Shame. Why was this emergency allowed to develop to the stage that ordinary Australians are outraged. And whose shame is it? The blame game, which I do not subscribe to, but which I will move into for this specific article, rests with government. How come the average Australian did not know when government have known for many years? How do I know they have known. Because, apart from the reports I have been involved with, I have had ministers say to me: Well, we know the problems. You tell us the solutions.

I therefore must assume they knew the problems.

I have been looking for solutions since 1992.

This morning I asked myself: If I were prime minister, with all his powers, what would I have done? Firstly I would understand and respond accordingly to the fact that this is not an issue isolated to “Aboriginal Lands” in the Northern Territory.

In the short term

In the short term, I would focus on a child centred approach to building child centred, child safe communities.

A child centred approach: My first question would be to ask what child safe places are already within communities. How can I support them? Often the safe house in the community is inhabited by a grannie on welfare, who opens her door to any child in need. She is someone who, somehow, like the miracle worker with loaves and fishes, can feed many children from her welfare cheque. I would support those people who are already doing hard jobs with little or no resources.

Secondly, I would ask for Aboriginal peoples living in remote Aboriginal communities, rural towns and urban centres to put up their hands if they wanted to be involved in a long term approach to building their futures, from within a child centred–child safe infrastructure. I would then, in the short term, begin to work with select communities from each region across Australia, to help build their capacity. I would do this with an understanding that each community I worked with, supported and resourced, would be obliged to work, in turn, with others near them.

In the short to medium term I would provide educational opportunities to increase skill development which could be piggybacked from one community to another.

Third, following from my child centred approach I would immediately start to build networks of workers, already out there, on the ground, and I would build from their knowledge and expertise, resourcing them to do their jobs without the stress levels they live with, on a day-to-day basis.

I would provide educational opportunities to workers so they feel capable of working with the child, who as described on page 67 of the Northern Teritory report, saw his mother shot in the head and had to clean her brains up of the floor. I would ensure that workers have clear child trauma counselling skills by providing short courses for culturally safe crisis intervention.

These are both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal workers who have, as their fundamental work ethic, the rights of the child to live and learn in child safe, child friendly environments.

These workers would include police who are legislated to protect children from harm. Hence restricting access to alcohol and other drugs is an important part of their work responsibility. Social workers, and child protection officers who see the damage pornography does to the developing child would be encouraged to work with police to help restrict access to such material. I would charge mine workers, and mining companies for the behaviours of their employees, and others such as mechanics, school teachers, builders, who are found with such materials, on Aboriginal lands, in Aboriginal communities.

I would expect school teachers to embed in their class curriculum, modalities and activities which heal trauma.

In the medium term

In the medium term, if I were the prime minister I would build into all that I do, a community strengths based approach, grounded in advancing education at all levels. The strengths based approach would provide educational opportunities for Indigenous Australians to acquire skills so they can work with their own people, and others, for healthy early childhood development; education for life long learning, and education for healing.

Such educational packages would be both community based and tertiary delivered. They would have formal accreditation so that graduates could work in any field that helps build a society where children will always feel and be safe. This approach is an Indigenous employment strategy, and I would build that into my government’s employment and enterprise strategies.

A long term approach embedded in education and quality research

In the longer term, if I were the prime minister, I would embed in all that I do, research on the ground. Those researchers undertaking professional doctorates, with scholarships for Indigenous Australians, would work with those working on the ground, and would document the activities and processes, so that in five or ten years time, I could show the Australian nation what works, why it works, and how it would work in the towns and regions of Everywhere.

I would expect then that we would be able to work together, all of us, to build a future for all people in this country. I would then be able to say to my senior bureaucrats: you now have the practice based evidence. Support these approaches, on behalf of all Australians.

But I am not the prime minister.

And I am sorry that I am not, for if I were this prime minister, I would ask of myself: am I now willing to say sorry for my government’s inability to respond to this long term “emergency,” an emergency that has existed over the ten years that I have been prime minister of this country? Am I willing to say sorry on behalf of my ministers, who have known of this crisis for many years, for their lack of will to do their jobs? Their inaction has profoundly deepened this so-called emergency.

If I were the prime minister I would sit in deep soul searching about my lack of leadership in response to these critical needs, and I would acknowledge that in my mandate on behalf of all Australians, I have failed Aboriginal children today. And I would say… Sorry.

Judy Atkinson is director of the Gnibi College of Indigenous Australian Peoples at the Southern Cross University.

 Communities overboard

by Andrew Biven

Picture sixty Aboriginal communities in the NT floundering in the sea of national indifference for decades.  Suddenly, in a time of political crisis for the ruling party, an emergency that has been slowly emerging during those decades is grasped and radical,  ill conceived  (and some would say entirely cynical)  measures are imposed with expressions of general self righteous indignation and  opprobrium at the behaviour of those communities in flinging themselves and particularly their children, into the waters of dysfunction.

Shame and blame are two powerful weapons of the dominant culture and can only spell a further deterioration in the conditions for Aboriginal communities. I urge you to contact your local politician and in all other ways help to bring to light the ill-conceived nature of the responses Howard and Brough announced last week.

Few would question some of the desired outcomes – protection of children, greater participation, motivation and self-esteem.  However, what has been proposed is short-term, imposed, misdirected and unsupported by decades of evidence of what works and particularly, what patently doesn’t work.  To make impositions on functional as well as supposedly dysfunctional communities make even less sense.

It is, of course, difficult for anyone to speak out as it is so easy to brand them as indifferent to the plight of abused children.  It is also so easy and convenient to trample the rights of whole communities in the scramble to remedy a situation that has been known and ignored for at least the last ten years and has it origins 200 years ago.

Let’s leave aside our cynicism about why this issue suddenly needs such focus and closely examine what is being proposed to see if it can be done and if it will work.  First though, a word about situations where perceptions of child sex abuse may in fact be children exposed to sexual situations leading to assumptions that the kids are directly the targets.  This is not to minimise or deny that there are not situations of direct physical sexual abuse of children as outlined so disturbingly in the 'Little Children are Sacred Report'.  Nor is it to argue that nothing needs to be done.  However, the more common situation may be less shocking. 

The average household occupancy in this community is 17 people. Houses are small, miniscule by McMansion standards.  People mostly sleep on foam mattresses scattered around the floors with two, three or more to a mattress.  People don't like to be alone anywhere - you don't go out without a couple of family or friends - too scary.  Privacy is rare and children from their first years no doubt witness sex occurring in all its manifestations much as they do in all societies where there is communal sleeping.  Therefore, the knowledge even very young children have about sexual acts is very much greater than in our one or two person per room culture.  In those circumstances it would be understandable that some young children might play act scenes they witness from time to time.  Its also pretty lively in these homes at night  with lots of people coming and going, tvs on, card games, lots of conversations and laughing. Kids don’t get a lot of sleep sometimes.  And it is pretty exciting with half a dozen brothers, sisters, cousins in your room.  If some of those brothers, sisters, cousins happen to be at the age of sexual awakening naturally there will be lots of ‘investigation’ and that may involve very young children.  Not a good thing at all, but when you see how and why it arises you have an insight into how to begin to address it.  It’s hard to see how medical examinations will help, easy to see how improving housing will.  Certainly pornography doesn’t help yet we have been slow to do anything about it anywhere.  Parent education and support is a big one too – the collapse of communities has eroded parent’s knowledge and authority.  Dysfunction is passed from one generation to the next.  Alcohol and other drugs are in the mix and need addressing – see below.

So what are the proposals for this emergency of the last decades?  Will they work? And if not these proposals, what?

1.Compulsory health checks for all aboriginal children under 16.  Doctors and health clinics currently struggle to cope with the burden of chronic disease and primary health care needs.  There are severe shortages of all medical staff in remote areas, just as there are in most rural towns across Australia.  To draft in the legion of extra staff to conduct these tests requires simple things like accommodation – there are no hotels, motels, no available rooms so it will require a building program or a tent city – a building program is hardly within the emergency response time proposed.  If its hard enough to attract medical staff with current incentives, the prospect of tent city is an unusual strategy to incline minds towards volunteering.  So send in the army for maximum publicity, minimum impact.

Medical examination is one tool in identifying sexual abuse, patient and sensitive inquiry a more likely successful one.  In many NT communities English is the second, sometimes third or fourth language spoken and not  well understood by most people.  Effective inquiry requires that the 'investigator' not only speaks the primary language of those being investigated, but speaks it so well and understands the cultural environment so well as to be able to interpret the nuances of oral communication.   And what do we do on discovering evidence of possible sexual abuse/activity?  Remove them from these situations? – our foster care system for indigenous children is already at the point of collapse due to lack of places.  There is no foster care in remote communities – another branch of the family steps in – but there are 17 or more in their household too!   Do we reopen Colebrook and similar institutions of the past?  Probably not a good idea.  Intervene in the family situation?  Ah counselling -  well yes Mal and John, do we have legions of culturally attuned social workers able to speak an Aboriginal language (at least one of the 13 dialects in this community) and ready to fly in to remote communities with sufficient on-the-ground knowledge to be able to understand the dynamics of the family and to know the best option for the child, motivated to stay in a tent city, and self-assured enough to feel protected from the anger of parents and relatives?

2.Linking welfare payments to school attendance – in the long run not such a bad idea but to simply impose it in a short time frame ignores the inability of the education system to cope and the reality of many children who are not attending for very understandable reasons – if you don’t get much sleep the night before because of all the people partying in your room, if you are too shamed to go to school because you don’t have adequate clothes compared to those who are at school (because you share all your clothes with everyone else your size in the house), if you’re hungry in the morning and there’s nothing in the house ‘cause all those people eat anything as soon as its bought and anyway you can’t store it if the fridge isn’t working and no-one is around to fix it.  And your parents don’t understand the importance of school – they never went either.

Who will act as the truancy officers?  The teachers – great for building trust and rapport and great for personal safety too.  The police – they are going to be both very busy and very unpopular and at the moment community police spend a lot of their time cultivating trust and cooperation as they know that force will never control a community.   Well then, let’s employ truancy officers – that would be a popular job likely to attract very suitable characters into a traumatized community wouldn’t it?   Don’t fantasize that you could get community people to do this – they would be even more at risk of reprisal than would an outsider. 

If all school-aged kids did all turn up on the same day here, there are nowhere near enough classrooms, chairs, teachers and education resources. The school would need to double in size overnight.  Right John, lets fly in a whole bunch of teachers – but where do they stay?  Tent city?  And where do they teach?  And where are they now because the education system has been trying to recruit them for the last 10 years.  Lets getting cracking with the building program, the training of teachers who want to work out here, the support for them doing what must be the most challenging teaching job in Australia.  We might get somewhere in about 5 years minimum.

Education is central to improving Aboriginal communities.  At present many community organizations struggle to find Aboriginal people with the skills and commitment to work in them.  Sadly, after 50 years of schooling, training and apprenticeshipping there are very few young local Aboriginal people working in full wage paying jobs – most are in work-for-the-dole CDEP positions and earning a ‘top up’ for extra hours worked beyond the required 20 per week. CDEP  promotes underemployment and it successfully disguises the high levels of unemployment in communities so Mal and John can quote a figure of only 13% unemployment for Indigenous Australians – those of you who have visited remote communities - do you believe that?  There are some older Aboriginal people who trained in the seventies and eighties who do have the skills and are the Health Workers, Rangers, Works Supervisors of the community.  However, they are retiring, getting sick, dying from the burdens of responsibility for their communities.  There are so few younger ones coming through to replace them.  In this community there are training positions leading to full paid work in most organizations – health, council, services, retail, industry and all struggle to get anyone local to apply, let alone complete.  Balanders (whitefellas) do most of the work. Again, the reasons are complex and require long-term solutions.  Attending, prospering in and completing schooling is the key.  Blaming is no solution and only serves to undermine any remaining self-confidence a community may have. Force simply will not work. 

3. Banning pornography – not too many arguments there, but hey, that opens up a good black market doesn’t it and with the roads open due to abolition of the permits system, there looks to be a few bucks to be made there.  And let’s not believe trafficking in pornography will be done only by Aboriginal people - there are plenty of very dodgy whitefellas in the Outback and Top End – frontierland seems to attract them. 

4.   Banning alcohol – on the surface it looks promising but our experience over the last half century of dry communities is that:-

·        People leave to drink in towns and cities, sometimes leaving children to be looked after by already overburdened extended family.  Those who leave are often young to middle-age and who should be the backbone of the community.

·        Black markets for alcohol, gunga, kava, petrol and other drugs quickly develop.

·        Alcohol remains that elusive substance to be consumed in as great a quantity and at as great a speed as possible because it is expensive, precious, illicit and it does quell the physical, emotional and spiritual hunger, if only briefly.

Rather, we need programs that encourage responsible consumption of alcohol, where there are rewards for sensible drinking and sanctions for irresponsible drinking.  We should also encourage (not impose) non-drinking as a best option (wouldn’t that be a challenge to the alcohol industry in mainstream society). This community has one of the best models I have seen – it would of course be a lot better if it had resources to back it up.  Here, you can apply for a permit to drink – up to two cartons of beer a fortnight, or 8 bottles of wine (for us balanders).  You start off on light beer and if you go OK on that you can apply for full-strength after three months.  If you bugger up – any violence, breech of other rules (such as sharing with people on a ban), neglect, missing work too much, etc., you lose your permit for three months and have to reapply – a committee of balanders and locals make the decisions.  It’s not perfect but is a realistic attempt to encourage responsible patterns of drinking.  It’s a long-term process – at the moment the role modeling around alcohol consumption is very negative – how can kids grow up with a different relationship to alcohol when all they see is binge drinking or their parents leaving them to go and drink in town.  Alcohol is not going away anytime soon so somehow and sometime Aboriginal people are going to have to learn other ways to deal with it.

5.  Taking control of Aboriginal land and abolishing the permit system – ahah, are we finally getting to the real agenda?  Many Aboriginal people believe so and the evidence for them rests with the decision to abolish the permit system.  It makes no sense to them to open communities up to a whole lot more people wandering in and out.  Trafficking in alcohol, drugs, pornography and sex suddenly becomes a whole lot easier.  It certainly makes no sense if indeed it is a “crisis” – normally, in a time of crisis, restrictions are imposed, not lifted. Look at our response to terrorism.

In their announcements Johnny and Mal talked vaguely of removing some of the rights of Traditional Owners, instituting different rent arrangements in remote communities (as distinct from outstations or homelands), moving towards individual land ownership.  We all know that relationship to land is the defining difference between Indigenous and mainstream culture.  There may be a case for changing some land arrangements in some places.  However, there is little evidence available to encourage Aboriginal people to trust Johnny on this one.  And there is ample evidence of the conservative agenda to deny the special rights and place of Aboriginal people in Australia.

One would hope that they will treat each community individually as there is such a diversity of experience and relationship in the different parts of Australia – some communities may lend themselves to conversion to individual landholdings, in others it could spell the destruction of all traditional relationships and cultural values.  Communities in Arnhem Land are very different to Noel Pearson’s home community on Cape York.  The Queensland Government of the past had a conscious and largely successful policy of eradicating language and much cultural heritage.   What may work on the Cape may not work elsewhere.  Here, language is alive, culture is practiced every day.  I am a foreigner and happy to be.

The latest calls to arms for volunteers send shivers through communities - the last thing needed are ill-informed, ill-prepared and ill-supported hordes of volunteers descending on these communities, some to peddle their own brands of concern, judgment and condescension.  You can't say this situation has not been known about for years - genuine volunteers are, or have been, here already. 

There are solutions – you have no doubt picked some of them up in the course of reading this.  There are many more suggested by others more knowledgeable than me.  Solutions require patience and co-operation, are long-term, difficult, expensive and achievable. We need a national commitment beyond the electoral cycle. 

Please note these thoughts of mine follow barely a month in residence here in an Arnhem Land community– I don’t profess to have all the answers and some of what I say may well be misinformed but I, at least, am prepared to stand corrected.  These are my views alone.  I have chosen not to identify the community I am a resident in as I do not speak on behalf of the community or any organization in it. 

If you are in a position to speak out about this situation or to inform others, please grasp it.

Andrew  Biven     Email:  andrew.biven@adam.com.au

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Boots on the ground cannot replace faces in a community

28-Jun-2007

By Jack Waterford

More than 30 years ago a task force was commissioned by the Commonwealth to tackle a national disaster among Aborigines, which, particularly in remote areas such as the Northern Territory, was robbing young Aborigines of their childhoods and scarring them for life.

It was no mean expedition. Before it was over it had visited more than 600 Aboriginal communities and country towns in all parts of rural Australia, and seen over 110,000 people, including 60,000 Aborigines, at least once. Task force teams drove about 100,000 km. Each had had a substantial medical examination. From the results of the initial examination, about a fifth were given an more intensive specialist examination by some of Australia's most skilled doctors. Nearly 2000 people received surgical operations, a good number in special army hospitals in the middle of the Australian desert, and another 6000 mostly older people were given glasses.

Around 30,000 people in the Northern Territory, South Australia and Western Australia were involved in the month-long mass-treatment programs.

There had been no expedition on this scale before, and there has been none since. The model of its organisation, and its practical findings, were widely admired, and the model and the experience was later used overseas.

The task force approach was the National Trachoma and Eye Program, led by Professor Fred Hollows. It was focused on blinding eye disease, but neither the conditions it encountered nor the instincts of Fred Hollows limited it only to looking at eyeballs. Every person the program saw was given a general health examination, and, in particular areas visited, the program made extensive additional studies of particular problems being encountered, including the incidence of sexually transmitted disease, respiratory disease, skin infections and infestations, middle ear conditions, and diabetes.

The program was the genius of Gordon Briscoe, now Australia's most senior Aboriginal historian, who had earlier played a key role both in establishing the Redfern Aboriginal Medical Service and in recruiting the wild and irascible Fred Hollows to be its foundation medical director. Its establishment was also funded by a challenge that a bright doctor-come-politician, Peter Baume, threw at the various Australian medical specialist colleges – that, if they really were about the public interest rather than their self-interest, they ought to prove it by getting involved in improving Aboriginal health.

The College of Ophthalmologists took up the challenge, and not only with a tight salaried task force, but with the additional and unpaid assistance of hundreds of ophthalmologists who volunteered. Many of these are still involved in providing ongoing services to Aboriginal communities.

The program cost the Commonwealth about $4 million in 1979 dollars. At various stages, when, for one reason or another funding was in the balance, government was given to understand that, if needs be, the program could carry on by bulk-billing the Commonwealth a GP fee for each examination, and a specialist fee for each specialist examination, as well as surgical fees for all procedures. Had we operated on that basis, the cost to the Commonwealth would have been at least $8 million.

My wife and I worked several years with the program. I first became involved, as a reporter, during funding negotiations in 1975, and, once the program began operating spent a month reporting (and pitching in) with task force teams the next year, inter alia recording Fred Hollows' memorable phrase that "if the health services around here were organised for animals rather than Aborigines, the RSPCA would prosecute'".

I was so bowled away by the disaster of Aboriginal health that I obtained a two-year leave of absence from the Canberra Times and went to work with an Aboriginal medical service in Central Australia, helping to set up new services. Then I went to work directly for Fred as an organiser, dogsbody and report writer. My wife, Susan, whom I met on the program, organised surgery programs in the wake of the main teams' progress, and mass treatment programs.

Trachoma is still around, but neither with the intensity and severity of old: in 1976 virtually every Aboriginal child in three quarters of geographical Australia had the infectious, conjunctivitis, stage of the disease, and about one in four old people (people aged 60 or more) were blind from trachoma, corneal eye disease or cataract. There is still too much Aboriginal blindness, but the likelihood of old-aged blindness among the middle-aged remote Aborigines of today (who were kids or young adults then) will be but a fraction of what it once was.

As now, the root of trachoma, and almost all the other illness we saw, was living conditions. Poor and over-crowded housing, if it could be called housing at all, inadequate water supplies, an inability to separate garbage and sewerage from the living environment, and poor diet. Inadequate or non-existent medical services made virtually every Aboriginal the host of what Dr Peter Moodie called "a wardful of diseases in each body''. Treatment helped, but exposure did not create resistance, and those 'cured' were quickly sick again.

There were times when, in describing what we saw, we used phrases such as 'national disaster' and compared the national mobilisation to help the 1974 Darwin cyclone victims with the resources going into Aboriginal affairs. We made use of the army too, and had high praise for its style of operation. But the army's help, and what was needed, had very little in common with the impatient 'boots on the ground' approach and coercive methods which seem to be favoured by Mal Brough, the former soldier turned instant expert on Aboriginal affairs. Indeed it was as much the failure of Brough-style authoritarianism as the lack of investment which had created the mess with which we were dealing.

What made us different? We consulted, liaised, talked, reported back, and, so far as we could, we delivered too. Even in 1976 we found Aborigines weary of "yet another survey" and "yet another lot coming through, making promises, never to be seen again".

The program employed Aboriginal liaison officers who went into communities, long before the teams arrived, to explain what we were doing and why, and to negotiate assistance. Local liaison officers were appointed to help organise the actual visits. We did not wait for people to come to clinics, but went out and looked for them in the camps. In one community, which had been the subject of regular visits by an eye doctor, (of his own initiative, free, but based on people presented by a clinic sister) the doctor told us that, because of his regular visits, there were no blind people here. We saw 30, from the camps, in one afternoon.

Some of the meetings we initiated metamorphisised into standing groups, not least the Pitjantjatjarra Council, which was first convened, from Pitjantjatjarra groups in South Australia, Western Australia and the Northern Territory, in response to our request to discuss what people could do about our findings.

We worked hard, in short, to make the people partners in our program, and to give individuals, families and groups a strong sense of ownership. Most of the time, of course, we were heavily self-critical, thinking that we could have, or should have, done it better, but that we were doing it better than it had been done before we were always pretty confident.

I wish I could be as confident about the task forces starting out – first with cops, then with army officers, then some doctors not yet consulted or organised, with alienated state infrastructure and no sense of engagement with the service providers on the ground, let alone the objects of the attention. Complete with abuse by the minister of the people whose cooperation he needs, and the general implication that anyone who stands in his way, or doubts his good intentions, is an apologist for child molesters.

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Copyright 2008


 

 

 

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